A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment, the
London School of Economics and Political Science, in part completion of the
requirements for the
MSc programme in Local Economic Development
August 2006
Candidate number
16644
I hereby state that this report is my own work and that all sources used are made
explicit in the text
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Table of Contents
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Methodology
2.1 Literature Review
2.2 Communities and Markets
2.3 Environment
2.4 Discussed Products
3.1 Research Findings
3.1.1 Importance of NTFPs for the Region
3.1.2 Constraints
3.2 Collection
3.2.1 Geography
3.2.2 Information
3.2.3 Management
3.2.4 Organization
3.2.5 Vested Costs
3.2.6 Government Regulation
3.2.7 Cultural Features
3.2.8 Seasonal Conflicts and Complementarities
3.3 Sale
3.3.1 Prices
3.3.2 Transport
3.3.3 Market Relationships
4.1 Conclusion:
4.2 Methodological Issues
4.3 Analysis of Constraints and Actor Response
4.4 NTFP Concerns
5.1 References
6.1 Appendix
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1.1
Introduction
The collection of Non-Timber Forest Products (henceforth NTFPs) represents an
important subsistence and economic activity for ribeirinhos (riverside peoples) who are
traditional inhabitants of the lower Madeira river. Extraction of these products from the
forests involves the utilization of endogenous assets by community members including
socially embodied resources such as: traditional knowledge of the regions forests, plant
varieties, and collection practices. This also entails the use of local ecologies in a manner
that is significantly more renewable and less environmentally deleterious, than prevalent
alternatives. NTFP income opportunities are often more accessible for the poorer
inhabitants of ribeirinho communities because of the very low barriers to entry: requiring
little investment, and more easily obtainable knowledge.
However a complex array of constraints affect NTFPs markets and actors through
variegated pathways; resulting in reduced income, and limiting levels of market
participation. Different actors and products are affected at various intensities, through
diverse vectors, resulting in varied responses by market participants in order to ameliorate
these constraints. The predominant method of adjustment by collectors is through informal
organization which is a means to attenuating a number of different constraints. While this
low level of association can enhancing their returns from NTFP collection it may not be
sufficient to support their economic development or mitigate deforestation significantly.
NTFP commercialization is first and foremost a livelihoods strategy, supplementing
rather than encapsulating local incomes. While this is often mentioned in existing literature
there is little effort to situate NTFP development within a wider strategic framework. Well
conceived interventions in the NTFP trade should be considered a strategy for improving
incomes, and increasing community interest in conservation but seem inadequate for
actualizing environmental conservation or achieving sustained economic development.
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Without a more multi-faceted approach, NTFP development alone will be unlikely to
ameliorate the intense levels of deforestation occurring in the region, or improve the
welfare of inhabitants substantially.
Through external support of NTFP product development it is believed that
communities will develop vested interest in the sustainable management and protection of
the surrounding forest reserves, increasing the incomes of poor inhabitants and preserving
the local environment. While the literature admits certain conservation limitations for
NTFPs related to overexploitation and too intensive management there is another likely
problem. A complex stratified multi-actor social system with rich and poor, ribeirihnos and
outsiders persists in the Lower Madeira Region.
These research findings suggest that constraints also create barriers to entry for
particularly those groups responsible for deforestation, hindering their participation and
thus encumbering the growth of their vested interest. Enhancing NTFP trade will certainly
help supplement incomes of collectors and possibly intermediaries, but will not provide
alternatives to the primary groups responsible for deforestation in the region. The
remaining expectation that collectors and intermediaries will counterbalance wealthy
logging companies, cattle ranchers, and migrant semi-subsistent farmers seems a bit
presumptuous.
Deficient in many other advantages, one of the communities’ most precious assets
is the environment around them and their success is related to their ability to exploit this
asset efficiently. For the poorer inhabitants fishing, semi-subsistence agriculture, and
NTFP collection are the primary strategies they engage in to provide for their family’s
consumption and generate surplus income; all of these strategies are deeply attached to
the environment around them, and threats to it menace the future of their livelihoods. Local
rainforest are under continual peril from: road development, land settlement by migrants,
land appropriation and clearing by cattle ranchers, as well as timber harvesting.
5
For some of the more popular forest products including Acai, Brazil Nuts, and
Copaiba Oil informal markets are already present. This paper will focus on the
characteristics of existing markets for these product concentrating on the relationships
between collectors and intermediaries, adding issues with processors only when they are
relevant.
This essay will begin by considering existing literature on the subject of NTFPs in
relation to both socio-economic, environmental, and product attributes. Following this
discussion, qualitative information from key informants in the lower Madeira river will be
considered, reflecting upon the number of constraints faced by different actors in the
collection and sale of NTFPs, noting in what ways their success is affected, and how some
actors adapt to respond to these obstacles. The conclusion will consider methodological
issues, parallels and divergences between this case study and the literature, followed by a
reconsideration of NTFP problems in light of the evidence.
1.2 Methodology
In order to examine NTFPs in the region a qualitative questionnaire (appendix 1.1)
was constructed to assess existing NTFPs markets along the lower Madeira river basin.
Surveys delved into numerous issues that effect actors along the value chain involved in
the extraction, transport, sale, and processing of three products. Value Chain Analysis was
previously conducted in Bolivia and Mexico by Marshall et al (2006). Questions detailed
different characteristics of the NTFP value chains including relationships between actors,
aspects of collection, ecological issues, processing, and transport. Participants included
associations, individual producers, intermediaries, store owners, commercial boat owners,
small and large processors, NGO members, as well as government officials.
Questionnaire methodology was semi-structured conversation so that NAPRA
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members that conducted surveys were able to follow particular tangents of interest that the
survey may not have predicted but that would naturally influence the characteristics of the
NTFP market. If interviews revealed previously unconsidered information questions were
added or reconfigured for future interviews. An informal conversational form was also
followed in order to ensure comfort amongst survey participants, as some were discussing
important market information, and as others were not so deeply predisposed to participate.
Survey questions were more markers to guide the conversation rather than patterns that
would limit it.
The survey was translated into Brazilian Portuguese and conducted by some
members of the NAPRA production team mainly with my supervision. NAPRA is Southern
NGO that works with the local population on health, education, and production issues. The
survey population was found using a snowball sampling method described in Weinstein
and Moegenburg (2004) in which one locates key informants who provide information
regarding other relevant actors, this processes is iterated with each additional survey, until
a suitable survey population size is reached.
Literature Review 2.1
2.2 NTFPs, Communities, and the Market
The academic discourse related to NTFPs runs through both currents of rural
economic development and ecological conservation. NTFPs were defined by Belcher and
Schreckenberg (2003) as “plant-based materials harvested for more or less intensively
managed ‘wild’ sources (ranging from forests to grasslands)”. While early into the
discussion regarding NTFPs many academics were overly enthusiastic regarding forest
product commercialization’s potential for economic development and conservation (Peters
7
et al 1989), this youthful exuberance began to dampen with further research and debate.
As with any other ecological conservation or development strategy, there are a number of
different problems and limitations abound.
It has since become clear that the value that NTFPs have in contributing to local
livelihoods, their role in regional economic development, and their potential to spur
increased environmental conservation varies significantly between cases(Leakey and Izac
1996). Successful intervention in NTFP trade is a difficult process with numerous
obstacles that need to be overcome, as well as contingencies that influence whether
outcomes are positive or negative. Furthermore NTFP interventions alone can be
inadequate for substantive economic development or rainforest conservation.
Among more recent literature it is commonly asserted that NTFPs have a more
supplementary role for their collectors(Morsello 2006, Marshall et al 2003, Pattanayak and
Sills 2001). This means that they are part of a household livelihood strategy, in which
collectors tend to invest their time and effort in a number of different activities often
including fishing, semi-subsistence agriculture, and animal husbandry. Different
households with varying means and capabilities engage in a number of different
strategies, balancing a diverse income and subsistence opportunities.
Diversifying investments protects households against a variety of exogenous
shocks including price fluctuation in the basic goods that they consume and produce, as
well as hyperinflation affecting the value of money, and even insect invasion harming crop
production. Thus NTFPs can act as a part of a safety net or insurance strategy
(Pattanayak and Sills 2001). Furthermore because many of these activities are seasonal,
diversifications allows households to have a more constant income stream, providing cash
throughout the year (FAO 1995a, Belcher and Schreckenberg 2003). Among households
oriented towards semi-subsistence these strategies can support household consumption
as well as providing much needed cash income to pay for other goods.
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In their study of Bolivia and Mexico Marshall et al (2006), te Velde et al (2005)
noted that forest products are important income sources for poorer community inhabitants,
but involve a number of poor and non-poor in their value chains. Albeit the general benefits
to the poor extraction activities in Amazonas state, were shown by Shanley et al (2001) to
have a gender bias engaging primarily men in collection, transportation, sales, and
intermediary roles. In their cross-case study Neumann and Hirsch (2000) note that women
often play key roles in NTFP collection and processing, but when activities become more
lucrative they can often be displaced by competitive pressure from men. Furthermore
Belcher and Schreckenberg (2003) indicate that when products generally become more
lucrative wealthier inhabitants are at an advantage in exploiting these markets to derive a
significant portion of the benefits.
While it is the intention for NTFPs to dampen exposure to risk they can have the
opposite effect creating dependency on particular products by collectors in communities
(Marsello 2006). If market demand changes this can put them at serious threat. Given the
nature of NTFP markets it is difficult to predict whether these green products will continue
to attract significant attention in the future, markets for specialty products can be
particularly fickle (Belcher and Schreckenberg 2003). NTFPs can be replaced by cheaper
synthetic substitutes, or more efficient production like in the case of vegetal rubber and are
also subject to competition from similar goods as in the case of Brazil nuts. Communities
may have invested significant amounts of effort and financial capital to organization,
administer, developing value adding, and quality control only to find that demand has
changed.
Inappropriate prioritization of market or subsistence activities can also be
significantly problematic for communities. In her study of ‘company-community
partnerships’ Morsello (2006) indicated labour-poor households reduced subsistence
farming activities to increase their production of Brazil nut oil, putting stable food supply in
9
threat. Prioritization of activities is also important for another reason, as in some cases
NTFPs are not worthwhile enough to merit intervention. As Plowden (2004) notes in his
study of Andiroba oil production, price was not sufficient to compensate communities for
their investment of time and effort. In their research of Peru Pinedo-Vasquez et al (1992)
found that swidden agriculture and timber harvesting were more viable activities for
community members surveyed.
As Padoch (1990) points out in her study of NTFPs in Peru, dependency can also
be exacerbated by relationships of debt between middlemen and collectors. This is the
classical situation where middlemen lend collectors money or give them credit in order to
secure their product supply for the coming season. Albeit these problems, the role of
middlemen differs significantly between cases. As Belcher and Schreckenberg (2003), te
Velde et al (2005), Weinstein and Moegenburg (2004) note they can often have a positive
influence in the commercialization of NTFPs. Intermediaries have an important role in
facilitating product transport as well as sale, locating market information and contacts.
They take on a significant amount of risk in the case of perishable goods, sometimes
losing money in these transactions. This is because transport costs are often high for
peripheral communities, and the prices of some NTFPs can fluctuate significantly. If
intermediaries find themselves at market at the wrong time, or do not have the appropriate
market connections to sell their goods, they can lose due to spoilage or because prices
are not sufficient to compensate them.
Existing markets for many NTFPs are often informal, although there is some formal
market demand. One of the largest difficulties for collectors is getting their products to
market, and negotiating successfully once there. This is often why intermediaries exist,
without them collectors are subject to particularly high transport costs. As Padoch (1990)
discovered around the Iquitos region of Peru, collectors faced transaction cost of 8-39%
dependent upon their distance to market. In other cases suitable soft and hard transport
10
infrastructure is not present making it one of the largest constraining factors for collectors
(Marshall et al 2003, te Velde et al 2004). In Rainforest areas it can be particularly difficult
to do anything to improve the transport situation while still supporting conservation. Much
of personal and commercial transport is provided by private or commercial boats. Roads
are amongst the largest vectors influencing increased intensity of deforestation in the
Amazon (Kaimowitz 2002). Where there are roads there is a significantly greater likelihood
of settlement by outsiders, intensified timber extraction, as well as clearing of large plots
for cattle ranching or mechanized agriculture.
These high transport costs are exacerbated by large problems of imperfect
information regarding markets and contacts therein. Without market information or
contacts collectors are at a severe disadvantage navigating the unknown territory of
markets in larger cities (Padoch 1990). This was noted as a primary constraining factor by
Marshall et al (2003) and te Velde et al (2004). Buyers usually wait at the port acting as
another functional intermediary on the NTFP value chains. While it is not necessary to sell
to these middlemen, collectors often lack essential market information. If their products are
prone to spoilage they also have another important time constraint that pressures the sale.
After dedicating the time, effort, and stress to escorting and selling their goods themselves,
collectors that lack market contacts are often taken advantage of.
2.3 Environment
While much effort has been made to frame NTFP commercialization as activity that
supports conservation this is only not always the case. There are substantial differences
between circumstances in which natural environments are exploited too intensely, and
management practices used to convert areas to increase production. As Belcher and
Schreckenberg (2003) notes high demand can result in increased collection in natural
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habitats, if this threatens the viability of a species. Not only does it result in environmental
degradation, but also the depletion of an important local income source.
Excessive extraction is likely to affect the forest through a number of different
vectors. When the NTFP being extracted is a fruit or nut like in the case of Acai or Brazil
nuts effects of extraction will not be noticeable in the short term(Peters 1996). Recent
evidence has been provided by Peres et al (2003) that long term extraction of Brazil Nut
trees is threatening the population structure of Brazil nut trees, resulting in a deficiency of
juvenile trees in areas of historic collection. While this isn’t affecting immediate levels of
productivity it may result in the long term collapse of the population. Collection can have
indirect effects on other species that feed on a particular forest product, or reduce forest
productivity through the extraction of a excessive amount of biomass(Hiremath 2004).
These situations may seem preferable to land clearing, but may not entail all that is
requisite to be considered conservation strategies.
With the exception of some species, tropical forests in general have a low level of
species density. This not only makes collection a difficult and labour intensive job, it also
limits the amount of product that can be harvested sustainably. Given these features
management has often been promoted to increase the intensity of particular species within
forests(Peters 1996). This can have significant economic payoff for communities, reducing
the amount of time they need to traverse forest areas in search of NTFPs and increasing
their income.
Albeit these payoffs there is uncertainty whether this will benefit everyone in the
region, or only those with sufficient land. Local elite or outsiders can establish plantation
systems which will increase the production of a particular region, but is unlikely to have
any positive effects on local poor(Belcher and Schreckenberg 2003). If the lands are public
we cannot expect collectors to invest time in management without some sort of land tenure
system, since there is potential that other collectors will extract from their areas or the
12
government will sell their lands to logging companies (Pinedo-Vasquez et al 1992, Escobal
and Aldana 2003).
In some cases management takes the form of increase in planting density within
natural ecosystems, in areas that buffer forests, or through agro-forestry in lands that were
cleared for agricultural purposes in the past. In other situations it can result in the
establishment of plantations from natural forest areas with managers clearing competing
species, and underbrush, while planting only species with particular traits. This latter type
of management is certainly antithetical to the goals of environmental conservation. In their
analysis of Acai management practices within to Amazonas state, Brazil Weinstein and
Moegenburg (2004) indicate a similar of problem emerging through land owners intensive
management of Acai into plantations.
2.4 Discussed Products
The products that are the subject of this study, Acai, Brazil nuts, and Copaiba oil, all
have a long history of extraction for subsistence and medicinal purposes by the indigenous
peoples of the rainforest. While they are still extracted and used locally for consumption or
medicinal purposes many of these NTFPs also go to urban markets regionally, nationally,
and in some cases internationally.
Acai palm E. oleracea of the Genus Euterpe including 25-30 different palms
(Wikipeidia 2006) are some of the most abundant species in the Amazon producing a fruit
from which ribereinhos produce vihno or wine. This is then sold fresh as a popular drink,
frozen into a pulp, or added as an ingredient in ice cream. Due to high levels of spoilage
Acai should be processed into vihno within 2-4 days, and then refrigerated for fresh sale,
or frozen into a pulp. Although primary markets are domestic, there has been some
international interest in Acai due to popularization of foods rich in antioxidants. Some small
13
international companies have been set up for the sale of pulps, smoothies, and energy
capsules1
. Acai has high potential for domestication, and both the Acai fruit and another
product Palmito or Palm Heart can be extracted without significant harm to the species,
due to its high regenerative capacity (Weinstein and Moegenburg 2004).
Brazil nuts (Bertholletia excelsa) are likely to represent the classic case of a NTFP
in the Amazon Rainforest. Not only have Brazil Nuts been collected for commercial
markets for approximately a century, they also have high international demand. According
to Peres et al (2003) in the previous year 45,000 tons of Brazil nuts were collected and
sold for over USD 33 Million just in the Brazilian Amazon. Brazil nut trees live considerably
long periods of time and are non-productive juveniles for many years, resulting in a low
potential for domestication. Brazil nuts have low levels of spoilage allowing for more
efficient bulking of products. The main demand for the species has classically been for the
nuts, but more recently significant value adding has emerged in production of Brazil nut oil
for food and cosmetic purposes, along with flour for food products.
Copaiba oil is extracted from the Genus Copaifera including species C. officinalis,
C. langsdorffii, C. reticulata which are generally found in low densities on terra firme,
ground that is not periodically flooded during the year. There are approximately 20 known
Copaiba oil producing trees in Latin America. Extraction is a knowledge and time-intensive
activity requiring ability to locate the species, and properly drill into and extract the oleo
resin. There is considerably variable and inconsistent production between individual trees,
within and between species, as well as low renewal rates for the oil. Furthermore there is
low potential for domestication due to the time horizon necessary to raise a tree (Plowden
2000). The market for Copaiba oil has in the past mostly been in traditional antiinflammatory
medicine. Since natural remedies have seen renewed interest in recent
years and cosmetic companies are increasingly focusing on natural products, demand has
1 http://www.sambazon.com, http://www.braziliansensation.co.uk/
14
increased (FAO 1995b).
Research Discussion 3.1
3.1.1 NTFP regional importance
Analysis of NAPRA’s socio-diagnostic indicated rates of households extraction for
communities to be Cunia: Acai >80%, Brazil nuts >20%; Papagaios: Acai >90%; Santa
Catarina: Acai >50%; Rio Preto: Acai~ 50%, Brazil nuts~ 63%, Copaiba~ 13%; (for
community locations see map 1) (Salazar and Storch 2006). Although these don’t include
all communities in the region it can provide a representative sample. From survey
questions surrounding the topic key informants in Santa Catarina indicated that almost all
males of sufficient age collected Acai, other collectors in Sao Carlos noted that 70-80 their
fellow male community members collected.
3.1.2 Constraints
There are a number of constraints that affect a variety of actors on the NTFP value
chain. Collectors, and intermediaries respond to these obstacles in a number of different
ways. Constraints mainly affect collection or sales activities limiting actor income, and level
or type of market participation. Incomes from these goods are largely determined by the
volume collectors are able to extract, the costs that they accrue along the way, as well as
the prices that they receive. Although there were a number of constraints collectors tended
to respond when possible through informal organization. Intermediaries by their very
nature were not affected by collection constraints although they did in some cases help
collectors respond to them, and were generally in a more advantageous position to
15
confront sales constraints.
3.2 Collection
Key informants were surveyed as to the amount of product that they could collect
within the course of a day. There seems to be a number of factors involved in the volume
of NTFPs that local collectors are able to extract. These factors include: geographical
features in terms of proximity to collection sites, experience and knowledge about
collection, levels of organization, as well as access to key efficiency enhancing equipment
like a motor boat. In addition to affecting Copaiba market participation, these appear to
represent the main differences evident between collectors who would bring back 5-10
latas(local can used as a term of measurement for Acai or Brazil nuts) in a day and those
that would return with 15-20.
3.2.1 Geography
The relevant communities are mainly located along the Madeira river and some of
its lakes and tributaries between the capital of the state of Rondonia, Porto Velho, and the
community of Calama downriver approximately 150km. Key informants estimate the
regional population is around 30,000 people (see map 1 for main communities). In the
region there are a number of dispersed settlements, as well as medium-sized and larger
communities, ranging from less than twenty inhabitants to over one thousand.
Extraction of NTFPs often occurs in the forest areas in proximity to communities,
but some collectors transport themselves by canoe or rabeta (local motorized boat) to
collection sites. Different communities have significantly different levels of proximity and
connectivity to areas of concentration of particular species by foot or through the
16
numerous waterways that cross-cross the region. Close points of extraction reduce
necessary transport time, but this seems to lead to more intensive extraction reducing
NTFP abundance and hence mitigating the benefits of proximity. During wet season the
period of Acai and Brazil nut extraction intense rainfall makes many smaller tributaries
navigable, enhancing the utility of a rabeta, however too much rain restricts Acai collection,
leaving the palms too difficult to climb.
Often land close to the Madeira river is generally under private ownership, much of
the remaining lands are part of different types of reserves established by IBAMA the
environmental regulatory agency including FLONA(Federal Forests), RESEX (Extractive
Reserves), and ESEC(Ecological Reserves). The type of reserve in proximity can
negatively affect collection, regulations concerning their use will be discussed in more
detail later. In private lands owned by locals or in some cases Porto Velho elite collectors
that extract goods, generally pay arrendar, or a percentage of the value of these goods
ranging anywhere from 10-20% depending upon which landowner, and what product. This
represents a significant percentage of their prospective income from these goods. In some
cases land owners may be taking advantage of collectors charging arrendar for goods
collected from lands that they do not own. However this relationship is not always
negative. In the community of Santa Catarina one inhabitant owns land occupied by the
community and all the lands surrounding it, which has resulted in the development of
regionally unique organizational, and market relationships.
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Map 1. Lower Madeira Region, including main communities and ecological reserves:
Source: Salazar and Storch 2006
3.2.2 Information
The collection of NTFPs is an information intensive activity, those that have better
information regarding the location of products, how to extract them, and the logistics of
efficient extraction are significantly more successful than other collectors. This affects their
ability to collect both a diverse array of products as well as a large volume. Different types
of information are important for different products. Since Acai is generally in abundant
supply, close to accessible waterways, and marked by labour intensive but not knowledge
intensive extraction it is collected by a large proportion of adult males in the region. These
first two types of information regarding location and extraction techniques are not
particularly important for this product. However the logistics of efficient collection has
18
significant impact increasing the relative volume of product collected. This will be
discussed more thoroughly later on in reference to organization.
Copaiba on the other hand is more knowledge intensive in terms of extraction
techniques and location of concentrations. The experienced collectors we accompanied on
collection trips into the forest were able to determine how much oil was in a tree only by
the resonance it made after knocking it, displaying extensive knowledge of species
characteristics. A special tool is necessary for drilling trees in order to obtain oil, and care
must be taken as so the minimum amount of dirt is collected along with the oil.
Unfortunately inexperienced collectors were known to kill trees through unsustainable
forms of extraction, by cutting into trees with an ax. Thus lack of information can be a
considerable threat to the species, and sustained income.
Copaiba has a number of different species with different consistencies, colours,
aromas, flavors, and demands. Because of the biological features of this species it is
generally more difficult to locate concentrations, the tree is not as easy to identify as Brazil
nuts or Acai. Copaiba trees are normally on terra firme which means they are a substantial
distance from rivers and tributaries, requiring a much longer trek into the forest. Since
there are lower abundances it is likely that transport distance to Copaiba collection sites is
much greater than to Brazil nuts and Acai, increasing the utility of a rabeta. Transport and
treking through the forest are likely to represent the greatest portion of time related to
Copaiba extraction.
Brazil nut trees are certainly less abundant than Acai, but tend to have greater
amounts of product per tree. In order to harvest the nuts, larger outside shells must be first
opened. They are often found in concentrations on terra firme requiring a longer trek to
collection sites, as well as knowledge of their locations.
As has certainly become evident throughout this discussion, collection of NTFPs is
arduous and labour intensive activity. This usually precludes women from collection, due
19
to the heavy weights that must be hauled across long distances. It also particularly limits
the conceivable amount of goods that can be collected in one day. Specifically the amount
that can be carried over long distances. This is of considerable importance in reference to
forest products that spoil, like Acai, but is a general testament to the time and effort
necessary to collect goods from tropical forests. This is why in consideration of NTFP
collection from natural generally untouched habitats lack of experience and organization
are some of the largest constraining factors.
3.2.3 Management
Out of numerous known large plots of private land there were only 2 cited cases of
NTFP management in the entire region, including one plantation and one agroforestry
system. Most private land owners either charged arrendar or converted lands into pasture
for cattle. Individual collectors did not engage in any management generally due to local
competition in extraction. They could not make the investment of time due to the risk that
other collectors would reap the rewards of their labour, or migrants would clear their lands.
3.2.4 Organization
The main methods of improving collection volume are related to rabeta ownership,
logistics, and organization. Independent if collectors go individually or in groups if they
enter the forest on foot they are likely to net approximately 5-10 latas of Acai or Brazil nut
in a day, returning after every collection period with the goods. This method of collection
was evident amongst many persons surveyed. If properly organized they can double these
figures. More experienced and organized collectors would go for longer more intensive
journeys into the forest, using their detailed knowledge of local tributaries, accessing areas
20
with particularly high concentrations by rabeta. In the case of Acai all members would
continue collecting while a single member would return with the goods in order to arrive in
conjunction the scheduled time of a commercial boat.
This coordination would ensure that there was no loss for collectors due to spoilage
of the product. They would continue in this pattern moving between areas on the rabeta
and maximizing their proximity to collection sites, therefore reducing the amount of time
necessary for carrying goods, and limiting the respective strenuousness of the activity.
This is of considerable importance in relation to perishable goods like Acai, in which case
goods would have to be sent to market within a short period of time, but it is also a means
by which to maximize volume of goods collected for products such as Copaiba and Brazil
nuts which tended to have different concentrations far apart .
Through these means collectors could also share the costs of transport in terms of
gasoline from village to collection site. Informal collection organizational patterns were
affected by a number of factors influencing groups formation. Important factors related to
familial ties, friendship, level of experience, access to efficiency enhancing equipment
(rabeta), and more lucrative market contacts in Porto Velho. Organization allowed group
members to exploit each others specific advantages, together achieving higher levels of
efficiency.
Key informants indicated group size would vary between 2-5 members, that
informal collector groups are likely to be dynamic entities; changing between products,
individual priorities. In Santa Catarina higher levels of organization were achieved on the
community scale in order to divide collection areas between families, through the influence
of the land owner, president of the collector association, and sole local NTFP middleman.
Lack of organization tends to constrain the collection of products with low volumes and
regenerative rates like Copaiba oil, by exacerbating competition issues. Collectors often
went on trips into the jungle, to discover depleted Copaiba trees, wasting significant time
21
and resources
3.2.5 Vested costs
In order to collect Copaiba properly a hand drill is necessary to penetrate the tree,
some collectors noted a inability to locate this equipment. Those that own a rabeta rather
than a canoe have a significant advantage in terms of connectivity to collection area. This
relates both to products that are not as abundant as in the case of Brazil nuts and
Copaiba, but also in the case of Acai, because collectors can access areas that are
significantly more time consuming than by canoe, bypassing areas that have been
depleted by high concentrations of collection. This reduces transit time as a proportion of
their collection time, but increases their costs in terms of engine maintenance and
gasoline. Higher transport costs make cooperation a necessity for rabeta owners, sharing
the costs and advantages of connectivity with others. The rabeta also has significantly
higher carrying capacity than a canoe, increasing the viability of engaging in extractive
journeys that take multiple days with other collectors.
3.2.6 Government Regulation
IBAMA the environmental agency of Brazil has set up reserves around many of the
communities of the lower Madeira. These include ESEC Cunia an environmental reserve
in which extraction is prohibited, RESEX Cunia (extractive reserves) in which extraction is
intended to follow a properly conducted management plan, and FLONA Jacunda (national
forest) which allows all types of activities. Communities members in general do not have a
firm understanding of the details of environmental regulations, leading to many violations.
This seems to work in both directions as some community members have a negative
22
misunderstanding of regulations limiting their extraction, and others tend to have a positive
ignorance of regulations leading to their illegal collection.
Acai and Brazil nuts are generally collected without any inhibitions. Copaiba oil
since it requires cutting a tree is severely prohibited, some collectors tend to believe that
they need some sort of permission to collect, which is not the case. This generally limits
their collection, due to fear of fines, and ignorance regarding how to get this illusive
permission. Extraction from ESEC reserves is barred, but collectors interviewed believed
that their residence in the reserve negated this regulation. For RESEX reserves a
management plan is necessary for an area in order to extract any product, requiring a
considerable investment of time, GPS and computer equipment, as well as the technical
capacity of forestry professionals. It is generally too costly for communities to develop
management plants and as Morsello 2006 notes it is often not the regulation influences its
establishment, conversely it is pressure and support from companies due to their interest
in certification. Other collectors are unaware of or ignore these regulations and continue to
extract Copaiba. Almost all of sales of NTFP in the region remains an informal activity,
IBAMA has limited resources and larger priorities. Most of their monitoring is focused on
illegal logging and land clearing for agricultural purposes and cattle ranching.
3.2.7 Cultural Features
One of the largest threats noted by local collectors to the future of extractive
activities was a lack of interest amongst youth. This is mainly the case in relation to more
traditional knowledge intensive activities such as Copaiba oil collection. Many younger
collectors tended to only focus on Acai extraction and lacked any interest in learning about
Copaiba oil collection, regional ecology, and geography. Concurrent with this disinterest is
a large trend towards migration of youth to urban areas to seek alternative opportunities
23
which has become a significant problem for ribeirinho communities. Another problematic
cultural feature is the status and ethos of cattle ranching in relation to extraction or fishing
activities. The former tends to be regarded as a sign of wealth, leading many salaried
locals with surplus funds to invest in these activities. Key informants noted that based
upon a number of discussion with these locals, it became evident that that small scale
ownership of cattle had not been a significantly profitable activity for them, and in some
cases a loss.
3.2.8 Seasonal Conflicts and Complementarities
From interviews we uncovered that there were seasonal labour patterns between
different activities. Acai and Brazil nut harvest mostly occurred during wet season, which
was the same period that fishermen were restricted from fishing due to spawning. Local
fishermen were paid with government monies through the fishing association not to fish
during this period so that stocks could replenish themselves. Fishermen are more likely to
have one of the key necessities to increase collection volumes, a rabeta. Although this
wasn’t investigated in detail during the survey, there may be an important relationship
present. One intermediary noted that it was not the government subsidy that reduced
fishing during wet season rather the higher compensation received through Acai and Brazil
nut harvest.
Agricultural harvest also does not conflict with NTFP collection, although it does
conflict with fishing as it occurs during dry season. NTFP products seemed to conflict with
each other as collectors mentioned that they refrained from Copaiba oil extraction during
Acai season. Acai and Brazil nut collection may conflict or complement each other
depending on how collectors would organize their extraction. Multiple day organized trips
were more conducive to collection of a variety of products while single day treks into the
24
forest mainly resulted in extraction of one product. Copaiba oil collection was the only
activity possible throughout the year.
3.3 Sale
After goods have been collected, they are sometimes used for direct consumption,
but for the most part sold through a number of different channels, to local and regional
markets primarily to Porto Velho. There are a number of different transaction costs, actors,
product characteristics, market features, and relationships associated with the sale activity,
unveiling numerous constraints. Like in the case of extraction collectors tend to respond to
these limitations through organization. Intermediaries are likely to be well situated to
mitigate transport costs, secure successful market relationships, and ensure consistent
product qualities, although they did have problems in terms of supply consistency resulting
in interesting relationships developing between themselves and collectors
3.3.1 Prices
Different products have entirely variegated price features. Acai has a large price
fluctuation both between seasons, within seasons, and on a daily basis. Prices are
generally much higher at the beginning and end of the season due to low supply levels.
Brazil nut price mainly varied within the year, reaching a peak before Christmas, the period
of high international demand for nuts. Copaiba prices tended to vary more between years,
but generally had the highest stability.
Another significant factor that determined the respective price of goods particularly
in the case of Acai, was location of sale, and available market connections. Those
collectors who sold locally generally received much lower but less variable prices, whereas
25
those willing to go to Porto Velho to sell tended to get better but more unstable prices.
Intermediaries and collectors with better market connections received not only better but
also steadier prices for their goods. Quality concerns generally did not manifest
themselves in price distinctions rather resulting in refusal to purchase by intermediaries.
3.3.2 Transport
A majority of transport of NTFPs to Porto Velho occurs on commercial lines.
Alternative personal transport by voadeira (larger personal boat with 15 or 45 HP engine)
is not economically efficient due to the high costs of gasoline, and the low cost per volume
of good. While the rabeta has less horsepower and is more fuel efficient, it is significantly
slower than commercial transport, and unlikely to be cheaper. According to one key
informant a 6 hour trip by rabeta required 45 Reai of gasoline, in addition after 50 km the
oil would need to be changed. This is consistent with a one way trip from Sao Carlos to
Porto Velho which is significantly less costly by commercial line. The largest local
intermediary who sold approximately 12,000 latas or 180 tons of Acai a season revealed
that he previously owned a boat but the costs and effort involved in transport maintenance
did not make the investment worthwhile.
Commercial transport lines tend to have identical pricing for the transport of goods
and persons between Calama and Porto Velho. These costs can represent a significant
portion of the value of the NTFPs being transported. The cost of transporting the standard
measurement of the NTFPs Brazil nuts and Acai, a lata, is 1 Reai across all distances
between Calama and Porto Velho. Copaiba generally is transported in 20 liter containers
which are charged 2 Reai for transport on commercial lines. Acai and Brazil nuts generally
have a low value per volume ranging according to key informants from 3-22 Reai per lata,
26
since a 20 litres of Copaiba is worth from 120-140 Reai, this is a significantly lower
transport cost as a percentage of value of goods.
Personal transport on the other hands tends to vary between points ranging
anywhere from 20-50 Reais depending on distance. When comparing the costs of
transport to the respective costs of Acai, Brazil Nuts, or Copaiba oil it is evident that it
represents a substantive portion of the value of a good. Given the high frequency of
spoilage characteristic for a product like Acai, an individual collector from any community
would have little compensation in bringing 1 or 2 days collected product to market in Porto
Velho. For goods that do not have a tendency to spoil there is the option of storage of
collected goods until there is an adequate amount to transport commercially at a
reasonable cost.
There are means to respond to these high transport costs depending upon the
organizational abilities and the market contacts of group members. In some cases
collectors would group together to transport their goods commercially, this would mean
that only one member of the group would have to escort the entire harvested product,
reducing the relative cost of personal transport as a proportion of the value of goods.
Another means of reducing transport cost was if a group member had an appropriate
market contact in Porto Velho to receive the goods, eliminating the need for an escort.
Given the substantial price fluctuation of Acai even if collectors could bulk their goods to
minimize transport costs they may still need a reliable market contact to ensure stable
prices to make the venture worthwhile.
Although prices seem to be set for the average person using commercial transport,
local shop owners and intermediaries often do regular business with boat owners. They
often bargain over price due to this relationship, obtaining discounts for their individual fare
and goods. Often they can avoid the high cost of personal transport by using a market
connection to pick up goods in Porto Velho and sell them. Otherwise their trip maybe
27
essential for the functioning of their other business activities, using the transport and sale
NTFPs to Porto Velho as a means of covering the transport costs of goods they intend on
returning with to sell in local shops. Other intermediaries dealing in significant volumes
made substantial incomes from the NTFP trade. These features tend to give particular
middlemen significant advantages over collectors whether they be individuals or in groups.
There are a number of boats that run different routes throughout the week, stopping
at communities throughout the day to pick up goods and people. In addition to the price of
transport, the time involved and scheduling of transport must also be considered as
constraining factors. Depending on the community of origin, commercial transport runs
anywhere from 4 to 16 hours downriver and 6 to 20 hours back up. Communities on
adjacent lakes or tributaries have considerably longer times and distances involved. In
addition boats often dock in Porto Velho or other communities overnight due to fear of
collision with an embankment, extending the trip period. This transport time can
sometimes represent an entire day that cannot be spent on collection, fishing, or engaging
in semi-subsistence agriculture.
The frequency of transport also tends to constrain collection activities for perishable
products like Acai. Collectors tend to schedule their extraction 1-2 days before a ship is
likely to come by the community so they can collect adequate volume, while avoiding
spoilage. Commercial transport scheduling can also constrain time available for sale in
terms of finding a market contact or better price. Key informants revealed that they would
arrive with goods, and have only a few return options in terms of commercial lines, one
leaving immediately, or another leaving on the next day. Facing additional costs of
remaining in Porto Velho for an extra day collectors have little option but to sell to
proximate intermediaries rather than search out other market opportunities.
3.3.3 Market Relationships
28
For many of these reasons most collectors preferred to sell to local intermediaries in
order to receive a stable price and not have to go through the time and cost of transporting
goods. Local intermediaries interviewed generally took on three forms: local
entrepreneurs, boat owners/employees, and shop owners. In order to engage in the
market as a middleman a person would need to have sufficient funds to pay for goods and
transportation costs up front, as well as necessary market contacts to sell the NTFPs.
Local entrepreneurs often purchase the Acai to process into vinho to sell locally. In
the 4 largest communities, the only ones with constant electricity, the vinho could be
refrigerated and sold for a few days, or frozen and processed into an ice cream or sorbet.
This requires the necessary equipment for processing which is a significant vested cost.
Local markets would be saturated quickly leaving a great deal of surplus Acai. In another
case in the village of Santa Catarina the landlord acted as an intermediary selling the
goods to his contacts in Porto Velho. Strangely these collectors received better prices than
many others surveyed. Because the landlord derived arredar from collectors he invest
particular effort in finding high prices for their goods in Porto Velho.
Some boat owners and employees would purchase significant amounts of Acai and
other products as they stopped in communities. This was particularly the case for
individuals who did not organize sufficiently, lacked market contacts, or lived in
communities without local intermediaries. Their main option was to sell directly to boat
owners and employees. These collectors seemed to receive the lowest prices out of the
entire group. Boat owners and employees generally resided in Porto Velho, having little
concern for the welfare of community inhabitants.
The most interesting market relationship present in the survey was between
collectors and store owners, generally exemplifying a multiple articulation of dependency
relations. Store owners often provide credit over the year to community members, for the
29
purchase of goods within the store. This would be repaid during productive seasons.
According to one of these store owners there was substantial competition to keep Acai
collectors loyal. He noted that in addition to offering credit inside his store he would loan
collectors money to purchase boats and motors, purchase the fish they caught and
agricultural goods that they produced, as well as employ them in a variety of activities.
There are multiple reasons for these relationships. By offering credit store owners
would provide something of a safety net for collectors during parts of the year they lacked
a source of income. It would also embed the relationship, ensuring a consumer to continue
purchasing their goods, and securing a collector to maintain a steady supply of NTFPs. If
store owners did not act as intermediaries increasing local’s income streams, there maybe
be less demand for their own goods. Through this dependency relationship both collectors
and store owners obtained another income source. NTFP sales ameliorated store owners
costs of transport to bring goods back to the community to sell, and with sufficient NTFP
volume provided a large source of income. Store owners while often ready to expound
upon the virtues of this activity, and their tireless support of community members, were
making profit from both ends, the sale of goods to Porto Velho and the sale of goods back
to community members.
Intermediaries in Porto Velho were significantly varied between product types.
While Acai had a number of buyers at market. These intermediaries would sell to small
scale processors in Porto Velho who made vinho to sell directly to consumers or to local
bars; or to large commercial processors that would make frozen pulp from vihno and sell to
different distributors all around Brazil. Large processors represented the primary source of
demand for Acai in Porto Velho. These actors had significant market concentration, with
only three factories transforming Acai into pulp, one of which had most of the market
share, processing 45 tons of Acai a week. This largest processor admitted during interview
to the ability to dictate prices because of his near oligopsony position. After other actors no
30
longer had the capacity to absorb incoming Acai supplies he would purchase at a price he
set. The high daily price fluctuation of Acai seems considerably related to Porto Velho
small and large processor capacity to absorb incoming product.
Small processors could only purchase as much Acai as they could sell within the
week period before refrigerated vihno would spoil. Larger processors did not experience
spoilage of the frozen pulp within a specific time frame, but had limited refrigeration
facilities, and processing capacity. Although there were intermediaries in Porto Velho,
Brazil nuts due to their low level of spoilage did not necessarily end up at this market, also
being sold downriver across the border in Umaita and Manaus. Most of the Copaiba oil
could be traced directly to one buyer at the market in Porto Velho, who sold 1500 to 1700
litres of Copaiba a month, to different regions of Brazil. He indicated that he also gave
store credit out to ensure steady supply of Copaiba. Acai, Brazil nuts, and Copaiba oil had
completely different supply chains due to different supply volumes, demands, product
characteristics
Copaiba Value Chain Figure 2
31
Acai Value Chain figure 1
Collectors that sold directly to market in Porto Velho faced two options, accept the
fluctuating prices of goods, and foreign characteristics of the big city themselves; or
establish connections with someone at the market. Most collectors that traded directly in
Porto Velho surveyed had a market contact. This could be a blood relation or friend, or it
could be a Porto Velho intermediary that wanted a steady stream of product at a tolerant
price. Fluctuating prices had impacts on both sides, leading in some cases when markets
were saturated and demand was very low, to problems for the collectors, but in other
cases when demand was very high, resulting in a low margin for Porto Velho
intermediaries. This is the reason that variable or fixed price informal contracts were
particularly favored amongst collectors. A fixed price contract would establish a stable
price to be paid for product throughout the season, whereas a variable price contract
would establish upper and lower thresholds for the price of the good.
32
Analysis, Problems, and Recommendations 4.1
4.2 Methodological Issues
It is often difficult to receive consistent information from personal interviews,
particularly on issues like collection volumes and prices. Collectors and intermediaries
were not always certain in relation to quantitative figures such as numbers of community
members engaging in NTFP collection, or what proportion of their income NTFPs
represented. Due to the NAPRA’s positive reputation in the region many local middlemen
were cooperative, but those intermediaries that were not community members; including
boat owners/employees and Porto Velho middlemen were often more difficult to get
information from. Time constraints limited both the size of the survey population and
range, missing out on more peripheral communities, and less conspicuous actors.
Snowball sampling method can generate particular biases in survey populations. For
example key informants in Santa Catarina directed us only to collector association
members with largely consistent concerns, whereas there were non-association collectors
with differing opinions.
4.3 Analysis of Constraints and Actor Response
Collectors face a number of existing constraints that affect their income and levels
of participation in NTFP markets. The communities of the lower Madeira seem to have
many of the same hindrances that have been expressed throughout the literature (Marshal
et al 2003. te Velde et al 2005, Marshal et al 2006), but some inhabitants are capable of
adapting to these limitations mitigating their effects. Products as well as collectors seem
33
to be affected by different constraints at various intensities. One clear divergence between
these survey results and the literature has been in relation to a lack of academic interest
into the micro-mechanics of collection. Literature generally detailed limitations based on
low product concentration, high distances, and labour intensity while not reflecting upon
means of alleviating these problems. Extraction volumes can be substantially different
between collectors based upon their aptitudes to organize, access to efficiency enhancing
equipment, and utilization of experience in navigating the local geography.
Although the numbers are not certain collectors obtain significantly different price
for the same volumes of product. Levels of organization, market relationships and
information seemed to be the key factors in receiving better incomes. This was consistent
with surveyed literature. Informal organization capacity seemed the a central vector to
accessing better logistics, key efficiency increasing equipment, market contacts, and
experienced collectors knowledgeable about the local geography. This was because
different group members often had different advantages which others could then exploit for
mutual gain.
Intermediaries were obviously not affected by collection constraints, and tended to
be significantly more advantaged with means of surmounting constraints. Although
middlemen paid particular attention to maintaining consistent supply, investing
considerable effort in maintaining relationships with collectors. Different products were also
subject to different constraints. In the case of Copaiba constraints operate on market
participation affected largely by: lack of connectivity, collection information, uncertainty
about government regulation, lack of interest in the youth, and lack of information
regarding market demand.
With Acai on the other hand constraints influenced relative income in terms of
collection logistics, market relationships, and transport costs. Brazil nuts are likely to be
more affected by prioritization of economic opportunities harvest may conflict with Acai
34
season. Collection logistics, lack of information regarding and connectivity to species
concentrations were also important factors. Again organization seems to be an important
method of ameliorating the effects of many of these constraints. However constraints such
as lack of youth interest, government regulation, resource competition, landowner
collection fees could not be readily alleviated through low level informal organization. It is
likely that with more advanced forms of organization some of these problems could also be
alleviated.
Chart 1. Constraints and Actor Responses (Insert Chart here)
35
4.5 NTFP Concerns
While it is the intention of these activities to provide increased income to community
members, there is particular fear regarding where these fiduciary benefits are invested. To
provide example for this problem; it is very common amongst the 4 larger lower Madeira
communities with access to electricity for inhabitants to own satellites, televisions, and
stereo equipment but lack adequate means of water sanitation, or human waste
management. According to some key informants alcohol abuse is a growing local problem.
If increased incomes are spent on beer and Cashasa (a Brazilian sugar cane based spirit)
they will have contributed to the spread of an unacceptable preference. There are also
impacts on the environment if inhabitants use their increased incomes to purchase chain
saws and timbering equipment as Escobal and Aldana (2003) suspect some of their
counterparts in Peru have. Increased incomes must be accompanied by enhancement of
local capabilities to invest their returns properly.
In order to engage regional development successfully in the lower Madeira NTFP
commercialization will have to be situated within diverse portfolio of strategies that address
the multifaceted problems of the region. Furthermore these prescriptions must be
complementary and mutually reinforcing. This particular level of discussion seems to be
lacking in literature that focuses too intensely on NTFPs, and not how they are part of a
more comprehensive program. Since gains are likely to be supplementary increased
incomes from NTFPs are unlikely to result in new opportunities for non-collectors, rather
enhancing the positions of the collectors and intermediaries that are currently engaged in
the trade.
The significant constraints highlighted in NTFP markets should thus represent
difficult barriers to entry for outsiders. This is important particularly in the case of migrants,
responsible for land invasion, who do not have the tradition of collection like ribeirinhos but
36
are likely to be just in need of opportunities. Due to these obstacles limiting engagement in
NTFP markets, migrants are likely to continue clearing lands rather than making use of the
local ecology in a less damaging fashion.
It is noted in the literature that NTFPs can be inadequate for environmental
conservation, because increased demand may result in degeneration of local ecologies
through over-exploitation. The literature generally does not reflect upon NTFPs
commercialization’s inability to directly confront the groups mainly responsible for
deforestation. It is the wishful thinking that enhancement of the NTFP trade is likely to
provide a sufficient counterbalance to these forces, indirectly, through greater vested
interest by collectors and intermediaries. Independent of their vested interest collectors
and intermediaries do not sufficient means by which to confront deforestation. Wealthier
inhabitants responsible for clearing land for cattle ranching and migrants that are invading
and clearing tracts of land for subsistence agriculture will need to be provided with
alternatives if the pace of deforestation is to slow.
Increasing income from a supplementary economic activity is likely to increase
collectors financial welfare but will not make radical changes in local power asymmetries,
nor will it filter their water, provide 24 hour electrification, improve their health or education
system, reduce infant mortality, rates of alcoholism, or teenage maternity levels.
Interventions in NTFP markets can offer only a piece to the puzzle of development and
conservation in peripheral rainforest areas. It is likely to increase market participants
concern for environmental conservation but not provide the critical mass necessary to
counter the phenomena. Addressing some of the constraints that affect market actors
could increase the viability of this supplementary income source. However without a multifaceted
framework, that incorporates different socio-economic development and
conservation strategies, as well as provides direct alternatives to deforestation, the lofty
goals of NTFP commercialization are likely to be unfulfilled.
37
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